Under Indian law, children under 14 are free to work as long as the job isn't deemed "hazardous." At least 12.7 million do, according to government figures, and the United Nations and children's advocacy groups estimate the number is above 40 million. Across the country, children as young as 5 — working legally — collect fees at parking lots, sort recyclables, pick crops, pack boxes at factories and sell vegetables by the roadside and magazines in traffic. Many earn only pennies a day; others, older and more skilled, can earn the equivalent of $5 a day or more. That is an ongoing problem for U.S. companies that manufacture items in India. Clothing retailer Gap discovered late last year that children in a New Delhi factory were embroidering blouses intended for sale at GapKids stores in the United States and Europe. It has since withdrawn the garments from its shops, suspended orders from factories found to be using child labor and promised the now out-of-work children a variety of help, including their jobs back once they reach legitimate working age. But sweatshops continue to spring up around the country. Other U.S. companies have faced similar concerns in the production of clothes, handicrafts, sporting goods, jewelry, decorative stone, carpets and agricultural products, among other exports from India.
Friday, April 25, 2008
UN Council Angered at Eritrea over Border Force
The peacekeepers had been stationed in a 15.5-mile (25-km) zone inside Eritrea. But Eritrea turned against UNMEE because of U.N. inability to enforce rulings by an independent commission awarding Asmara chunks of Ethiopian-held territory. Kumalo conceded that Eritrea had genuine concerns. He said the council would return to the issue, probably next week. "We have to take time to really think this through," he said. U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said in a report earlier this month that if the peacekeepers abandoned the 620-mile (1,000-km) border, a new war could break out, although both countries have said they do not plan to renew hostilities. Ban offered several options, including the permanent withdrawal of UNMEE, deploying a small observer mission in the border area, establishing liaison offices in Addis Ababa and Asmara or returning to the original full deployment. The last option, however, looks unlikely given Eritrea's refusal to discuss the issue. "The United Nations cannot really achieve a result if the two countries do not follow up on the commitment they made in 2000," when they agreed to host UNMEE, U.N. peacekeeping chief Jean-Marie Guehenno, who briefed the council, told reporters. Most UNMEE troops have been sent home temporarily and less than 200 are now in Eritrea, with a few in Ethiopia. Ethiopia has offered to hold talks with Eritrea but Asmara says Addis Ababa must first withdraw from Eritrean territory. Both sides have amassed troops in recent months. U.S. envoy Alejandro Wolff said there was "a mood in the council of great, great dissatisfaction at the manner in which Eritrea has handled this," and accused the Eritreans of "shooting themselves in the foot." "In the long term Eritrea will pay a big price for this misjudgment," he told reporters, without elaborating. (Editing by Alan Elsner)
By Patrick Worsnip
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UN Troops Overworked and Outgunned in the Badlands of Darfur
Sileia, West Darfur: April 24th. (NY Times) - The peacekeepers could do nothing to stop the huge Antonov aircraft flying over the tiny town of Sileia, close to Sudan’s border with Chad. They were too late to stop the Janjawid – the feared Arab militia, some on horseback and some in Toyota pickup trucks – sent in to do the Government’s dirty work, looting or destroying anything they couldn’t carry away. The first soldiers into Sileia, in fact, were Sudanese armed forces who arrived the next day to take control of the town. They painted over graffiti proclaiming support for one of the main rebel groups, the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), and raised the Sudanese flag in the sandy central square. Now, the women say the soldiers are doing what soldiers do in times of war in towns where the men are away fighting. At night, single women bed down close to the house of the fursha – a tribal mayor – where they can be better protected. “Three days ago there were women sleeping who were woken by soldiers with guns in the middle of the night,” Mariam Ibrihim Adam, 58, said. “I don’t know what happened but there were men with women and then all the women ran to the fursha’s house for protection.” She won’t mention rape: the subject is taboo in this part of Sudan where life has changed little in centuries. Here raped women bring shame to their tribe.
Five years ago the people of Darfur could have told the above tale with little variation, except that the peacekeepers were from the African Union, a beleaguered and hybrid force of soldiers and police. On January 1 they were joined by United Nations personnel, which is supposed to swell to a 26,000-strong force eventually monitoring ceasefire violations and protect civilians and aid workers from attack. No one knows when the force will reach full strength. Contributing countries are struggling to meet their commitments; 2,000 troops have joined the 7,000-strong AU force to form the United Nations and African Union Mission in Darfur (Unamid). Most of the latter merely painted their green helmets blue and carried on as before. So the disappointment and fear continue for the people of Sileia, who live in a area of Darfur that has seen the worst fighting this year. “Now the UN cars are here, stood in front of us,” Adam Omar Mohammed, 88, a Sufi preacher, said, pointing to an armoured personnel carrier sharing shade with donkeys beneath a tree. “So we feel safe. But we want the UN to come here and stay here.” Rebels of the JEM seized a handful of towns last December and looked to be closing in on the regional capital, El Geneina. Then, in February, they were called back across the border to Chad, where their paymaster President Idriss Déby was under attack from Sudanese-backed rebels. They managed to defend his capital, Ndjamena, but Sudan used their absence to take back the “northern corridor” of towns including Sileia, Sirba and Abu Sirouj. Their tactics were eerily reminiscent of the early days: Antonovs first, followed by Janjawid and then government soldiers. They left behind a string of blackened towns. It was days before Unamid monitors arrived from their headquarters in El Geneina, where they had been besieged by aid workers demanding they intervene. “We feel disappointed,” Colonel Amgad Morsy, chief of staff for Unamid Sector West, said. “We don’t have the capability. It’s a weekly and daily dispute that refugees come and say their people are being harassed, their women are raped.”
Unamid has had some successes. It has resumed night patrols of the camps around El Geneina, arrested a handful of Janjawid raiders and now escorts women as they collect firewood – all activities that the morale-sapped AU force abandoned after becoming a target for rebels and government-backed militias alike. Unamid is planning to build a base for monitors in Sileia and is running long-range patrols across the territory to show locals that it is serious about their security. But the force only has 9,000 people to look after an area the size of France. They still lack the helicopters they need to get around rapidly and even the rations for long-distance patrols. Alun McDonald, a spokesman for Oxfam, said international pressure had focused on deploying a force without giving any thought to securing peace in Darfur.
— Figures for deaths in Darfur vary wildly. UN officials now estimate that the death toll from five years of conflict may be as high as 300,000 – revised from 200,000, the 2006 figure
— In 2005, the US State Department estimated the total number of deaths at between 60,000 and 160,000. They were accused of understating the scale of the killing dramatically
— Eric Reeves, a Sudan expert at Smith College in Massachusetts, puts the figure at 450,000
— The highest death rate is believed to have occurred from October 2003 to March 2004. As many as 11,400 people are thought to have been killed each month.
by Rob Crilly in Sileia, West Darfur
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Opposition ‘Clear Victor’ in Zimbabwe, U.S. Says
The United States has deferred in recent years to South Africa, the region’s most powerful nation, to mediate between ZANU-PF, Zimbabwe’s governing party, and its political rivals. But at a news briefing on Thursday in Pretoria, South Africa’s capital, Ms. Frazer said the severity of the human rights violations by state-sponsored groups against opposition supporters now required the involvement of more players: the African Union, the UN and other nations, including the United States. “We can’t stand back and wait for this to escalate further,” she said. Earlier Thursday, China’s Foreign Ministry confirmed that a Chinese ship bound for Zimbabwe would turn back without unloading its cargo of bullets and mortar bombs made by a Chinese state-owned company. “The Chinese company has already decided to send the military goods back to China in the same vessel, the An Yue Jiang,” Jiang Yu, a Foreign Ministry spokeswoman, said at a briefing. The arms shipment has been a particularly contentious issue because of widespread concerns about politically motivated violence in the wake of the elections. Prime Minister Gordon Brown of Britain said Wednesday in Parliament that he would “promote proposals for an embargo on all arms to Zimbabwe.” On Thursday Ms. Frazer praised his idea as one that the United States would “consider seriously.”
Mr. Mugabe, 84, who has led Zimbabwe for 28 years, will undoubtedly seize on their criticism to buttress his contention that only he can defend the nation’s sovereignty. He has long depicted himself as the defiant African leader who will stand up to the British and the Americans, while painting his rival, Mr. Tsvangirai, as their stooge. Jacob G. Zuma — the leader of South Africa’s governing party, the ANC, and potentially a future president of South Africa — said Wednesday that he was concerned that the British and the Americans had undercut their influence on Zimbabwe. Speaking before a meeting with Mr. Brown, who has accused Mr. Mugabe of stealing the election, Mr. Zuma said the approach the British and the Americans had taken “undermined the possibility of their playing a meaningful role in Zimbabwe.” On Thursday, he said in London that he did not support Mr. Brown’s call for a full-fledged arms embargo and ruled out South African military intervention in Zimbabwe. South Africa’s opinion on an embargo is critical because it controls the main trade routes into Zimbabwe. Even so, China’s decision to turn the ship around was welcomed by the dock workers, trade unionists, religious leaders, Western diplomats and human rights workers who have been campaigning to block the delivery of the weapons to Zimbabwe. “This is a great victory for the trade union movement in particular and civil society in general in putting its foot down and saying we will not allow weapons that could be used to kill and maim our fellow workers and Zimbabweans to be transported across South Africa,” said Patrick Craven, spokesman for the Congress of South African Trade Unions, which represents 1.9 million South African workers. China’s strategic retreat in delivering the weapons also allows it to avoid Zimbabwe-related protests over its human rights record before the Olympic Games in Beijing in August. The months leading to the Games have already been marked by protests over China’s suppression of protesters in Tibet and criticism of it for supplying arms to the government of Sudan.
In Britain, Anglican church leaders warned of the deteriorating situation in Zimbabwe and urged international mediation. The leaders — the archbishop of Canterbury, the Most Rev. Rowan Williams, and the archbishop of York, John Sentamu — issued a statement saying people were being “beaten, intimidated or oppressed” and warning that “political violence and drift could unleash spiraling communal violence,” as has been seen elsewhere in Africa. Zimbabwe’s governing party has been following the fate of the arms shipment. The Herald, a mouthpiece for Mr. Mugabe and ZANU-PF, reported Thursday that China had said the shipment had been ordered before the elections and had nothing to do with “what was taking place in Zimbabwe at the moment.” It quoted Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa as saying that Zimbabwe had a right to arm itself and defend its territorial integrity and “dismissing suggestions that the military would want to use the arms against civilians.” Human rights researchers and doctors treating victims of the political crackdown in Zimbabwe said they feared that a government short on bullets because of the country’s economic collapse would use an infusion of arms from China to make the crackdown more lethal. The ship sailed into Durban harbor in South Africa last week. The government there had already issued a permit to allow the arms to be trucked across South Africa to landlocked Zimbabwe when dock workers declared they would not unload the weapons, and an Anglican archbishop persuaded a judge to temporarily prohibit the arms delivery across South African soil.
by Celia W. Dugger reported from Pretoria, David Barboza from Shanghai and Alan Cowell from London. Graham Bowley contributed reporting from New York.
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Monday, April 21, 2008
Ending Child Labor Tricky Job for India
BANGALORE, India: April 17th. (Chicago Tribune) — Rajeshwari spent her childhood trailing her mother on Bangalore's streets, helping her sift through roadside trash for recyclables. Now 15, she's still working, currently as a night dishwasher for a company catering wedding parties. Like many of the tens of millions of child laborers in India—plenty of whose labor ends up in exports to the United States—she sees holding down a job less as a violation of her human rights than as a simple reality of life. "I don't work because I want to. I have to," the pigtailed girl says without resentment. Stamping out child labor is a tricky business for India's government. As officials try to modernize both India's economy and its image, they aim to cut back on a practice that much of the world sees as abhorrent. But in a nation where tens of millions of kids work, children's labor is not just a key source of financial support for families, it is legal. The government over the last year and a half has put more jobs off-limits for kids, staged raids on factory sweatshops and pushed children nabbed at work back in school. But children's advocates say the campaign may not do much to better the lives of many kids. "What is happening is making things worse for children," argued Kavita Ratna, a spokeswoman for The Concerned for Working Children, a non-profit group for child laborers in Bangalore, one of southern India's high-tech centers.
In India today, "if you call yourself a working child, people pounce on you and drag you to the nearest school. Child labor has become a dirty word," Ratna said. "No one wants to admit there are still working children." She recounts the story of a midnight raid on a silver factory in Bangalore some years back where 150 child workers were bundled onto a train back to their home state in northeast India. Many, who shared no common language with their rescuers, were terrified by the unexpected invasion or were traumatically separated from older working siblings left behind at the factory during the raid. Many did not want to return home. A year later, when a Bangalore professor went to check on the children, she could find none of them in their home villages. "The parents said, 'Why did you bring them back? We sent them there because we don't have food to eat,' " Ratna remembers the woman recounting. Maoist rebels in the region also were a threat to the kids if they remained there, the parents said, insisting that the children were safer in Bangalore. Ratna's group — which takes the practical view that child labor isn't going to disappear any time soon — argues that the most effective way to help child workers is not to force them out of their jobs but to protect and empower them while there.
The advocacy group over the past 17 years has helped working children set up or strengthen informal networks that help them share information, protect each other and advocate for better conditions. For instance, Rajeshwari, the vice president of Bhima Sangha, a working children's union created by Ratna's group, said local cells of 10 or 12 working children have helped provide financial and emotional support to children forced out of jobs or abused in them, as well as other practical help. In some cases, children's groups have pressed employers to provide medical care for children injured at work, or passed information to authorities about underage maids who are abused. After a Bangalore hotel fire killed three child workers, children's union members wrote a report for the state government that may have contributed to children under 14 being banned from hotel work, according to The Concerned for Working Children. "Earlier most people would not listen to us. Now they listen," said Rajeshwari, whose new night job allows her to attend school during the day. "We got to know what our rights are. We feel proud." Ratna said her organization's efforts simply formalize and expand "very sophisticated systems" many working children have already created to help each other. Her group tries to make the lives of child laborers easier by experimenting with counterintuitive ideas like helping them get access to small-business loans and teaching them negotiation and business skills. It has also worked to find ways to help children balance work with staying in school.
Reducing the number of child laborers in India, child advocates say, will require helping parents find better-paying jobs that let them support their families without children's salaries and improving the country's public schools. Until those problems are resolved, "you can be outraged as much as you want" by child labor, Ratna said. "But what does it do for the child?"
By Laurie Goering
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Darfur Food Rations Cut, Ban Decries Rising Insecurity
NAIROBI, 17 April 2008 (IRIN) - Banditry in Darfur has prevented the delivery of sufficient food stocks to the western Sudanese region, thereby forcing the UN World Food Programme (WFP) to reduce monthly rations, the agency said. The rations, which benefited 2.4 million people in March, will be halved per person per day from May, WFP spokesman Peter Smerdon said on 17 April. So far this year, 60 WFP-contracted trucks have been hijacked in Darfur, of which 39 are still missing. Twenty six drivers remain unaccounted for, while one was killed last month. As result, food deliveries have dropped to 900 tonnes per day from 1,800 tonnes a year ago. "Attacks on the WFP food pipeline are an attack on the most vulnerable people in Darfur," Josette Sheeran, WFP Executive Director, said in a statement on 17 April. "With up to three million people depending on us for their survival in the upcoming rainy season, keeping WFP's supply line open is a matter of life and death," she added. "We call on all parties to protect the access to food." WFP appealed to rebel factions in Darfur to ensure security on the roads and to respect the neutrality of humanitarian workers. "If the security situation on the roads improves, we will be able to restore the ration levels," said Kenro Oshidari, WFP Representative in Sudan.
The announcement followed UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon's latest report on Darfur, in which he said prospects for a negotiated political solution to the crisis had become remote. Both the Sudanese government and rebels appear determined to pursue a military solution, while the international community had failed to supply helicopters and other logistics to the under-staffed African Union-UN Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID). "I am extremely disappointed in the lack of progress on all fronts," the Secretary-General said in the report, which covers UNAMID’s operations for three months. "The parties appear determined to pursue a military solution, the political process stalled, the deployment of UNAMID is progressing very slowly and continues to face many challenges, and the humanitarian situation is not improving." He described as grave the implications of the current security situation for Darfurians. Attacks on food convoys and general violence were hindering aid provision, while sexual and gender-based violence in and around camps for internally displaced persons was high.
UNAMID was set up in 2007 with a projected strength of 26,000 military and police personnel, but it has only 10,600 in the field, including 1,400 civilians. Aid agencies estimate that 200,000 people have died since conflict erupted in Darfur in 2003, while 4.5 million have been directly affected.
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Pope Speaks Up for Immigrants, Touching a Nerve
Benedict has calibrated his immigration stance with care, stating the need to protect family unity and immigrants’ human rights, but pointedly avoiding any specifics of the American immigration debate, like the issue of whether to grant legal status to illegal immigrants. Yet last week his visit quickly stirred the crosscurrents of the debate. His comments drew a rebuke from Representative Tom Tancredo, a Republican from Colorado who has been a leading opponent of illegal immigration. Accusing the pope of “faith-based marketing,” Mr. Tancredo said Benedict’s comments welcoming immigrants “may have less to do with spreading the Gospel than they do about recruiting new members of the Church.” Mr. Tancredo, a former Catholic who now attends an evangelical Christian church, said it was not in the pope’s “job description to engage in American politics.” On the other side of the issue, some members of the Catholic hierarchy said they were shocked that on the same day that Benedict and President Bush affirmed in a joint statement the need for a policy that treats immigrants humanely and protects their families, federal agents were conducting raids at five chicken plants. They arrested more than 300 immigrants accused of being illegal workers. The timing was coincidental, immigration officials said, and it was not clear whether the pope had known about the arrests when he met with Mr. Bush. But the raids surprised some American Catholic leaders, who are often on the forefront of advocacy for immigrant rights. “I was stunned,” said Cardinal Roger Mahony, the archbishop of Los Angeles, the nation’s largest Roman Catholic diocese and one with many Hispanics. “I just feel these raids are totally negative. I thought it was very inappropriate to do it in such a blatant way when the pope was coming, when he has been so outspoken in defending the rights of immigrants.”
The American bishops have been consistently outspoken in favor of legislation to give legal status to illegal immigrants and expand legal avenues for immigrants to bring their family members from abroad. They and other Catholic activists were among the most visible supporters of a broad bill, supported by Mr. Bush but not enacted by Congress last year, which included a path to legal status for 12 million illegal immigrants. They took Benedict’s statements last week as affirmation of their work. For while the immigration theme has been overshadowed during Benedict’s trip by his denunciations of the sexual abuse scandal in the church, it was the second issue after the abuse cases that he addressed on the plane from Rome, when he responded to reporters’ questions that were submitted in advance and picked by the Vatican. The separation of families “is truly dangerous for the social, moral and human fabric” of Latin and Central American families, the pope told reporters aboard his plane. “The fundamental solution is that there should no longer be a need to emigrate, that there are enough jobs in the homeland, a sufficient social fabric,” he said. Short of that, families should be protected, not destroyed, he said. “As much as it can be done it should be done,” the pontiff said.
The pope did not just send a message to the president and the public, he spoke to the bishops. In his private meeting with them on Wednesday evening, he emphasized that recent newcomers to the United States are “people of faith, and we are here to welcome them,” Cardinal Mahony said. The pope also dwelled on the negative impact of family separation. Several bishops took that as a direct reference to the impact of previous immigration raids and deportations, in which illegal immigrant parents were separated from spouses and children who were United States citizens or legal immigrants. “Obviously the Holy Father is not encouraging people to do anything illegal,” Cardinal Mahony said. But the raids “do not serve as a deterrent,” he said, adding, “They simply create fear and uncertainty in our communities.”Times reporters and experts discuss Benedict XVI’s papacy and his visit to the United States.
Bishop John Wester of Salt Lake City said the pope was “not going to get into the specific points that our country has to hash out.” Bishop Wester, who is chairman of the Committee on Migration of the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops, said the pontiff had told the bishops “very clearly that we need to attend to the basic human rights immigrants have.” Bishop Wester also criticized the immigration raids, which took place at plants in five states belonging to Pilgrim’s Pride, a major poultry processing company. Immigration officials said they did not consider the pope’s visit when planning the operations, which they said came after a yearlong investigation. But Bishop Wester said: “It did strike me as inappropriate. The pope comes as a man of peace, a man of good will, the leader of a major religion. Many of the persons arrested were Catholic.” As recently as mid-March, he said, his committee met with Julie L. Myers, the head of Immigration and Customs Enforcement, the agency that carried out the raids. The bishops asked Ms. Myers not to conduct raids in churches and to ensure legal representation for immigrants, Bishop Wester said.
The pope returned to the theme several times over the course of his visit, which ends Sunday. About 4,000 church members from the Diocese of Brooklyn, which includes Queens, will hold a prayer service in 29 languages at Kennedy Airport. About half will be immigrants, said Msgr. Ronald T. Marino, the Brooklyn Diocese’s vicar for migration. Many will wear the costumes of their homelands. The pope will not attend, but the crowd will bid him farewell. “Not a word has to be spoken,” the monsignor said. “What you will see says it all.” In Washington, Benedict encouraged the American bishops and their communities “to continue to welcome immigrants who join your ranks today, to share their joys and hopes, to support them in their sorrows and trials, and to help them flourish in their new home.” That, he said, was the American tradition. And in a meeting with Catholic educators, he emphasized the importance of keeping Catholic schools open, especially to serve immigrants and the underprivileged. Catholic leaders say such words have bolstered their work, yet the pope’s emphasis is no surprise in a country where much of the church’s growth and vitality comes from the influx of immigrant Catholics.
Following the polyglot practice of his predecessor, John Paul II, Benedict used Spanish to directly address the Latino portion of his flock during the homily at his Mass at Nationals Park in Washington on Thursday. The Church has grown thanks to their vitality, he said, and God calls on them to keep contributing. Priests and bishops who lobby elected officials and minister directly to immigrants can be more explicit. Monsignor Marino, for example, who also heads the Brooklyn Diocese’s Catholic Migration Office, said, “In my judgment, immigrants are heroes.” He applauded the pope’s words. “The simple pointing to it as one of his priorities, something coming out of his mouth, is real important,” Monsignor Marino said. “For him to say one sentence means he knows the rest.” Thomas G. Wenski, the bishop of Orlando, Fla., and a former head of the bishops’ Migration Committee who remains a consultant to it, said he hoped the pope’s visit would have a practical effect. “The pope’s visit will unleash some good will here so that Congress might live up to its responsibility and deal with the issue,” Bishop Wenski said.
In a letter in December, Cardinal Mahony chastised all the presidential candidates for campaigns that he said had “inflamed anti-immigrant sentiment in the country.” Since then the three remaining candidates, Senators John McCain of Arizona, Hillary Rodham Clinton of New York and Barack Obama of Illinois, have lowered the volume on the immigration issue. Secular advocates for immigrants also welcomed the pope’s words. “That’s big news,” said Teresa Gutierrez, a coordinator for the May 1st Coalition for Immigrant and Workers Rights. “Any decent comment about the reality of what’s really happening to immigration in the United States coming from such a prestigious person as the pope is extremely helpful.”
by Daniel J. Walkin and Julia Preston
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POPE AT GROUND ZERO: GOD BRING PEACE TO OUR VIOLENT WORLD
VATICAN CITY, 20 APR 2008 (VIS) - In New York at 9.30 a .m. local time today, the Pope visited Ground Zero, the name now used to refer to the site once occupied by the twin towers of the World Trade Centre. On 11 September 2001 two aircraft crashed into the twin towers, destroying them and a number of neighbouring buildings in a terrorist attack which cost the lives of 2,896 people. The site today is a vast 80-metre deep crater, surrounded by a fence and marked with a cross. In 2002 the reconstruction of the World Trade Centre was put out for tender in a competition won by the architect Daniel Libensky. Today, Ground Zero is a construction site where work is scheduled to finish in the year 2012. The main building of the new complex will be the "Freedom Tower ", 541 metres high. Benedict XVI arrived at Ground Zero accompanied by Cardinal Edward Egan, archbishop of New York . Awaiting him there were Michael Bloomberg, mayor of the city; David A. Paterson and John Corzine, respectively governors of New York and of New Jersey ; 24 people representing the forces that responded to the attack of 11 September, and a number of injured and relatives of the victims.
The Holy Father kneeled for a few minutes of silent prayer for the victims of the attack, then lit a candle before pronouncing the following prayer:
"O God of love,compassion,and healing,look on us,people of many different faiths and traditions, who gather today at this site, the scene of incredible violence and pain. "We ask you in your goodness to give eternal light and peace to all who died here - the heroic first-responders: our fire fighters, police officers, emergency service workers, and Port Authority personnel, along with all the innocent men and women who were victims of this tragedy simply because their work or service brought them here on 11 September 2001. We ask you, in your compassion to bring healing to those who, because of their presence here that day, suffer from injuries and illness. Heal, too, the pain of still-grieving families and all who lost loved ones in this tragedy. Give them strength to continue their lives with courage and hope. "We are mindful as well of those who suffered death, injury, and loss on the same day at the Pentagon and in Shanksville , Pennsylvania. Our hearts are one with theirs as our prayer embraces their pain and suffering. "God of peace, bring your peace to our violent world: peace in the hearts of all men and women and peace among the nations of the earth. Turn to your way of love those whose hearts and minds are consumed with hatred. God of understanding, overwhelmed by the magnitude of this tragedy, we seek your light and guidance as we confront such terrible events. Grant that those whose lives were spared may live so that the lives lost here may not have been lost in vain. Comfort and console us, strengthen us in hope, and give us the wisdom and courage to work tirelessly for a world where true peace and love reign among nations and in the hearts of all".
The prayer over, the Pope greeted survivors of the attack,relatives of some of the victims, and members of the rescue squads. Finally, he imparted his blessing to those present. After the ceremony, the Holy Father returned to his residence where he bid farewell to the staff of the Holy See permanent mission to the United Nations in New York before having lunch in private.
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In Lean Times, Biotech Grains Are Less Taboo
NY Times April 21st. - So
The group, which once cautioned farmers about growing biotech wheat, is working to get seed companies to restart development of genetically modified wheat and to get foreign buyers to accept it. Even in Europe, where opposition to what the Europeans call Frankenfoods has been fiercest, some prominent government officials and business executives are calling for faster approvals of imports of genetically modified crops. They are responding in part to complaints from livestock producers, who say they might suffer a critical shortage of feed if imports are not accelerated. In Britain, the National Beef Association, which represents cattle farmers, issued a statement this month demanding that “all resistance” to such crops “be abandoned immediately in response to shifts in world demand for food, the growing danger of global food shortages and the prospect of declining domestic animal production.”
The chairman of the European Parliament's agriculture committee, Neil Parish, said that as prices rise, Europeans “may be more realistic” about genetically modified crops: “Their hearts may be on the left, but their pockets are on the right.” With food riots in some countries focusing attention on how the world will feed itself, biotechnology proponents see their chance. They argue that while genetic engineering might have been deemed unnecessary when food was abundant, it will be essential for helping the world cope with the demand for food and biofuels in the decades ahead. Through gene splicing, the modified crops now grown — mainly canola, corn, cotton and soybeans — typically contain bacterial genes that help the plants resist insects or tolerate a herbicide that can be sprayed to kill weeds while leaving the crop unscathed. Biotechnology companies are also working on crops that might need less water or fertilizer, which could have a bigger impact on improving yield. Certainly any new receptivity to genetically modified crops would be a boon to American exporters. The United States accounted for half the world’s acreage of biotech crops last year. But substantial amounts of corn, soy or canola are grown in Argentina, Brazil and Canada. China has developed insect-resistant rice that is awaiting regulatory approval in that country.
The pressure to re-evaluate biotech comes as prices of some staples like rice and wheat have doubled in the last few months, provoking violent protests in several countries including Cameroon, Egypt, Haiti and Thailand. Factors behind the price spikes include the diversion of crops to make biofuel, rising energy prices, growing prosperity in India and China, and droughts in some regions — including Australia, a major grain producer. Biotechnology still certainly faces obstacles. Polls in Europe do not yet show a decisive shift in consumer sentiment, and the industry has had some recent setbacks. Since the beginning of the year France has banned the planting of genetically modified corn while Germany has enacted a law allowing for foods to be labeled as “G.M. free.” And a new international assessment of the future of agriculture, released last Tuesday, gave such tepid support to the role genetic engineering could play in easing hunger that biotechnology industry representatives withdrew from the project in protest. The report was a collaboration of more than 60 governments, with participation from companies and nonprofit groups, under the auspices of the World Bank and the UN.
Hans R. Herren, co-chairman of the project, said providing more fertilizer to Africa would improve output much more than genetic engineering could. “What farmers really are struggling with are water issues, soil fertility issues and market access for their products,” he said. Opponents of biotechnology say they see not so much an opportunity as opportunism by its proponents to exploit the food crisis. “Where politicians and technocrats have always wanted to push G.M.O.’s, they are jumping on this bandwagon and using this as an excuse,” said Helen Holder, who coordinates the campaign against biotech foods for Friends of the Earth Europe. G.M.O. refers to genetically modified organism. Even Michael Mack, the chief executive of the Swiss company Syngenta, an agricultural chemical and biotechnology giant, cautioned that the industry should not use the current crisis to push its agenda. Whatever importance biotechnology can play in the long run, food shortages are making it harder for some buyers to avoid engineered crops. The main reason some Japanese and South Korean makers of corn starch and corn sweeteners are buying biotech corn is that they have dwindling alternatives. Their main supplier is the United States, where 75 percent of corn grown last year was genetically modified, up from 40 percent in 2003. “We cannot get hold of non-G.M. corn nowadays,” said Yoon Chang-gyu, director of the Korean Corn Processing Industry Association.
But the tightening global supply has made it harder to get nonengineered corn from elsewhere. And as corn prices soar, millers and food companies are less able to pay the surcharge to keep nonengineered corn separate from biotech varieties. The surcharge itself has been rising. Mr. Yoon said non-engineered corn cost Korean millers about $450 a metric ton, up from $143 in 2006. Genetically engineered corn costs about $350 a ton. In Europe, livestock producers say that regulations on genetically modified crops could choke feed supplies at a time when they are already reeling from higher prices. Even after a new genetically engineered variety is approved for growing in the United States, it might take several years for Europe to approve it for import. Moreover, European rules require an entire shipment of grain to be turned back if it contains even a trace of an unapproved variety. Such a problem last year disrupted exports of corn gluten, a feed product, from the United States to Europe. Feed makers and livestock producers want faster approvals and a relaxation of the rules to allow for trace amounts of unapproved varieties in shipments. Even in the United States, where genetically engineered food has been generally accepted, the wheat industry has had to rethink its reluctance to accept biotech varieties. Because about half of America’s wheat crop is exported, farmers and processors feared foreign buyers would reject their products. Facing resistance from American farmers, Monsanto in 2004 suspended development of what would have been the first genetically modified wheat.
But some farmers and millers now say that the lack of genetically engineered wheat has made growing the grain less attractive than growing corn or soybeans. That has, in turn, contributed to shrinking supplies and rising prices for wheat. Milling & Baking News, an influential trade newspaper in Kansas City, Mo., said in an editorial that companies that used wheat were now paying the price for their own “hesitancy, if not outright opposition” to biotechnology.
By Andrew Pollack with Su-hyun Lee in Seoul, South Korea, and Yasuko Kamiizumi in Tokyo contributing.
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No responsibility or liability shall attach itself to either myself or to the blogspot ‘Mozlink’ for any or all of the articles/images placed here. The placing of an article does not necessarily imply that I agree or accept the contents of the article as being necessarily factual in theology, dogma or otherwise.
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Human Wave Flees Violence in Zimbabwe
April 21st. (NY Times) - Sarah Ngewerume was driven to the river by despair. She said she had seen gangs loyal to Zimbabwe’s longtime president, Robert Mugabe, beating people — some to death — in the dusty roads of her village. She said Mugabe loyalists were sweeping the countryside with chunks of wood in their hands, demanding to see party identification cards and methodically hunting down opposition supporters. “It was terrifying,” said Ms. Ngewerume, a 49-year-old former shopkeeper. Last week she waded across the Limpopo River, bribed a man fixing a border fence on the other side and slipped into a nearby South African farm. She was among the latest desperate arrivals in what South Africa’s biggest daily newspaper is calling “Mugabe’s Tsunami,” a wave of more than 1,000 people every day who are fleeing Zimbabwe across the Limpopo to escape into South Africa. When a shallow, glassy river and a few coils of razor wire are the only things separating one of Africa’s most developed countries from one of its most miserable, the inevitable result is millions of illegal border jumpers. But South African and Zimbabwean human rights groups say that the flow of people into South Africa has been surging in the three weeks since Zimbabwe’s disputed election and during the violent crackdown that followed. One Zimbabwean named Washington, who goes back and forth across the border ferrying Super Sure cake flour and Blazing Beef potato snacks, said the government was now using food as a weapon and channeling much of the UN-donated grain to supporters of the ruling party.“As we speak,” he said, “people are starving.” He seemed more defeated than anything else. “People hate the government,” he said. “But they are too scared to fight it.” Commercials are now running on Zimbabwean TV showing grainy images of captives from the liberation war in the 1970s and reminding citizens not to disobey their leaders, recent arrivals said.
In the past, countless Zimbabwean men escaped to South Africa to drive cabs or work on construction sites and send money home. But these days, many of the Zimbabweans fleeing are women and children willing to take considerable risks to get out for good. “We were hoping for change and waiting to see what would happen in the election,” said Faithi Mano, one of more than a dozen Zimbabweans interviewed after they had crossed the border last week. “Now, I have decided to quit that place.” It does not look as if Mr. Mugabe, an 84-year-old liberation hero who has ruled Zimbabwe for 28 years, will leave office without a fight. After early election results from the March 29 vote indicated he was losing to the opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, the election commission put the brakes on announcing results. The presidential results still have not been released, and a recount begun Saturday in 23 Parliament races is now threatening to drag things out further — the opposition has deemed it “illegal.” If there is a runoff between Mr. Mugabe and Mr. Tsvangirai, many fear it could get even bloodier. Human Rights Watch issued a report on Saturday saying members of Mr. Mugabe’s party were running “torture camps” where they took opposition supporters for nightly beatings. On Sunday, the leading opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change, said more than 400 supporters had been arrested, 500 attacked, 10 killed and 3,000 families displaced. The party released a detailed, day-by-day chronicle of violence that listed huts being burned, people getting cracked in the head with bottles and farms being invaded. The party blamed Mugabe supporters and sometimes government soldiers.
The government has denied any wrongdoing and accused opposition leaders of treason. Mr. Tsvangirai has said it is too dangerous for him to stay in Zimbabwe and has been spending time in South Africa. The border between South Africa and Zimbabwe stretches about 150 miles, and it is headache-hot out here. “Beware of crocodile” signs shimmer in the sun, the grass is yellow and crisp, and at night, the trees churn with clouds of heat-crazed insects. For the people who make it through, there is a pipeline of sympathy waiting on the other side. Fellow Zimbabweans living in South Africa — often perfect strangers — have taken in border jumpers, giving them a safe house and a warm cup of porridge, and helping them along their way to Messina, about 10 miles south, and then onward to the bigger cities of Johannesburg and Cape Town. Joyce Dube, director of the Southern African Women’s Institute for Migration Affairs, which tracks the border issue, said the only reason more people were not crossing was the recently beefed-up security on the South African side. “It’s getting tougher to get through,” she said. South African military helicopters thunder over the Limpopo and soldiers prowl the border roads, searching car trunks for human cargo. Crews of men in red jumpsuits drip with sweat as they fix the fences. But it is a cat-and-mouse game. No sooner have they patched a hole than it is punched through again.
The fence runs for miles, a shining metal snake going up and down the tawny hills. It used to be deadly, electrified by a high-voltage current. That was in the 1980s, when South Africa and newly independent Zimbabwe were practically at war. Back then, many people were going the other way, fleeing South Africa’s repressive apartheid government to escape to Zimbabwe. At the time, Zimbabwe was one of Africa’s stars. Mr. Mugabe had turned a relatively small, landlocked country into an economic powerhouse that produced beef, grain and tobacco. “Bob Mugabe was my hero,” said a white Zimbabwean farmer who drove into Messina the other day for supplies. He did not want to give his name because he went on to criticize Mr. Mugabe’s more recent policies and said he was afraid he could be evicted from his farm for doing so. “I know it sounds funny, but it’s true. You have no idea how beautiful Zim was.” Zim is the affectionate nickname for Zimbabwe. But in the late 1990s, Mr. Mugabe felt he needed to deliver on long-promised land reforms, and Britain, the former colonial ruler, was stalling on paying for them. Mr. Mugabe then encouraged blacks to seize white-owned farms. Whites fled, industrialized agriculture crashed, and today the inflation rate is more than 150,000 percent. Supermarkets often have no food, and 80 percent of the people have no jobs.
The Movement for Democratic Change ran on these woes, and in 2002 it nearly won power, though the elections were marred by violence and intimidation. This time there was hope that things would be different. Recent arrivals say that a few weeks before the vote, the bullying suddenly seemed to let up — perhaps, some thought, because the ruling party was sure it would win. But when the first results showed Mr. Mugabe losing badly, the government went silent. There were some talks about Mr. Mugabe stepping aside. Then the crackdown began. Ms. Ngewerume, the escaped former shopkeeper, said opposition supporters in her village in central Zimbabwe became easy targets because they had danced and sung in the streets after early results were tacked up on polling station doors. When the final results did not come, they went into hiding. But the thugs found them anyway, she said. “I can’t see how Mugabe could win again after all this,” she said. But, she added, many opposition supporters probably would not take the chance again to cross “the old man,” as Mr. Mugabe is often called. Ms. Ngewerume was visibly pained just talking politics as she stood under a tree on a farm near the border. “I just want to go there,” she said, stabbing her finger vaguely south, in the direction of Johannesburg. “I’m just struggling to go forward to get something better.
by Mariella Furrer
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Disclaimer
No responsibility or liability shall attach itself to either myself or to the blogspot ‘Mozlink’ for any or all of the articles/images placed here. The placing of an article does not necessarily imply that I agree or accept the contents of the article as being necessarily factual in theology, dogma or otherwise.
Mozlink